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Dykes emphasizes that the sacred concept is 'its location on the shores of the estuary, at the gateway to the Atlantic, as it were pointing to the route by which flowed in the Kingdom's wealth' Dykes, 5. In fact, the Age of Discovery not only heralded Portugal's success in sea expeditions, but also crystallized an age of commercial opportunity for an abundant flow of income to Portugal.

In the first half of the sixteenth century, 'Lisbon became the most spectacularly opulent town in Europe' Anderson, 91 , and 'the most westerly point in Europe for a redistribution network of commodities originating from eastern emporia such as the Persian Gulf, India, Indonesia, China, and Japan' Russell-Wood, However, recent scholarship showed that such economic success was short-lived.

The merchants' new wealth and the growth of Portugal's commercial expansion soon caused moral and economic decay in the traditional agrarian society Boyajian, Preface. After occupying Goa, the Portuguese continued to explore along the China coast. At that time Ming-dynasty China issued an Imperial rescript tellingly imposing an austere isolationism, which throttled foreign adventures and prevented emigration.

As a result, China was practically sealed off from. The so-called 'closed-door' policy was mainly based' on the Sinocentric world order; China was so proud of her own civilization that China wanted to seclude her people from the influence of the outside world. The politico-cultural anxiety of being c o n t a m i n a t e d by the 'barbarian Other' 14 plainly manifested China's self-regarding superiority. The Chinese cast upon the barbarian Other a Sinocentric gaze from the perspective of a central civility of the Middle Kingdom, 15 ruled by the Son of Heaven.

It was not until that the first Portuguese envoy, Tome Pires, arrived at Guangzhou in an attempt to establish an 'enduring' official Sino-Portuguese trading relationship Cortesao, When Alvares arrived at Tamang Island, he erected um padrao,11 or a stone monument. It was surmounted by the Portuguese coat of arms, as witness to his mission in the newly discovered land. Alvares' voyage, however, was long forgotten and his symbolic role in bridging the two civilizations was ignored. Nobody ever referred to his primeiro mission before the turn of the twentieth century.

Not until did J. Braga emphasize the archival research conducted by Luis Keil in relation to Alvares' achievement in his China Landfall We are indebted to Luis Keil for an excellent little study in Portuguese, published in , clarifying the circumstances and pointing the way to the existence of a great deal of source material, which had to be suitably interpreted. Braga, x. Keil's exhaustive account simultaneously celebrates and consolidates Alvares' historic role in the distant past.

It is perhaps a historical irony to celebrate the Portuguese as the first among other European colonizing powers to reach China but also as the last to leave on 20 December When the date is known for a closure of a historic moment, Alvares is remembered as a symbol of the first arrival, and constitutes a bracketing effect for a period of Portuguese presence in Macau. As a belated celebration for the fourth centennial anniversary, a stone monument of Alvares Plate 7 was erected at a prominent spot opposite t h e H i g h C o u r t s of J u s t i c e in R u a da P r a i a G r a n d e in 1 9 5 3 commemorating him as the first Portuguese to arrive in China.

Cloaked with heavy drapery and with a sword tied on his waist, the statue stands on 'weight-shift' 20 in a relaxed and heroic disposition against the padrao, which has now become his attribute. His contrapposto pose is likened to a Roman imperial soldier. His raised right hand gesture readily reminds us of Western paintings depicting the 'Annunciation', in which the archangel Gabriel raises his right hand in a gesture of delivering a divine message to the Virgin Mary.

Moreover, it is common nowadays for us to see this gesture in papal blessing. The enterprising Portuguese sailor is thus idealized with an angelical quality and 'apotheosized' as a religious personage. The posture of Alvares is an ideological construct and the monument embraces two significant motifs — the Greek cross and the sword. It was not unreasonable for the Chinese to feel that the Portuguese came to them offering Christianity with one hand and suppression on the other, both backed up by swords, guns and powerful cannons. Alvares' arrival constituted one of the earliest rendezvous in which the Middle Kingdom first met the modern European Other.

It also led to the subsequent 'occupation' of Macau as a religious centre and a trading post. He was no doubt the harbinger for the grafting of the West to the East. He paved the way for the later arrival of influential Jesuits, such as M a t t e o Ricci, Francis Xavier, Ignatius Loyola, and consolidated the 'fabulous' stories about the riches of the Celestial Empire brought back to Venice by Marco Polo in 1 2 9 1.

These were the two decisive forces that prompted the Portuguese eastward sail. Alvares' significant role is also honoured in the Lusitano Club founded in in Hong Kong Plate 8 where a mosaic is put up at the entrance of the Club in Ice House Street. The mosaic, designed by F. Borboa in , depicts a big Portuguese carrack with all its sails spread.

The spreading mainsail and the smaller sail are inscribed with big Greek crosses, like engaging in a Crusade. The carrack in full sail may signify the Portuguese naval supremacy. The crosses may be seen as the ideological symbols for the propagation of Christianity. King Manuel I and Jorge Alvares are placed at the lower part. Near Alvares are the year and the Facade of St Paul's. The former is the historic date of his landing on Chinese territory while the latter apparently becomes an important landmark of Macau.

The carrack is certainly a crucial element in bringing Alvares on the China coast, but the pivotal sign — artillery — is ideologically eliminated. Without the incomparably powerful guns and cannons, the Portuguese might have been unable to operate an imperial project for territorial and economic expansion. Alvares' arrival in southern China was twenty-one years later than Christopher Columbus' discovery of the New World in Unlike Columbus' encounter with the 'uncivilized' natives on the 'virgin' land, Alvares probably met with the neo-Confucian elites in the ethnocentric Chinese world.

It was an experience of Sinocentrism as contrasted to Eurocentrism. Viewing the people he encountered from a superior ethnographic gaze, Columbus was immersed in a kind of 'white supremacy' and treated the natives as natural categories 'on the same level as cattle' Todorov, They were excluded as being subhuman or bestial. Quite on the contrary, Alvares was received as no more than a foreign barbarian from a faraway country by the self-sufficient, civilized Middle Kingdom. After the encounter of the two peoples, the Ming Chinese often accused the Portuguese of being cannibalistic.

Cannibalism is naturally linked to barbarity, ferocity, brutality, atrocity and bestiality. Above all, it is a term for the uncivilized. Though the Portuguese might regard themselves as representatives of Christian culture and as the privileged signifier of Western, civilization, the Chinese nevertheless received them with a reverse, ethnographic gaze. The Chinese 'identified the Lusitanian Other as a special variety of goblin, bearing only a superficial resemblance to a normal human being and coming from cannibalistic ancestry' Fok, The Chinese considered the Portuguese people not just endowed with a beastly nature, they were also inclined to bestial acts of eating human flesh.

In Chinese records, there are vivid descriptions of how Chinese children were bought and prepared for food by the Portuguese Yuan, In the seventeenth century, the symptom of 'anthropophagic devouring' appeared to be a popular trope for savagery, barbarity a n d non-human action. In Columbus' first encounter with the native Americans, he associated their physical nakedness with spiritual nudity.

He gave them an oxymoronic label 'noble savages' because of their ignorance of the value system in exchanging commodities and their generosity in receiving the newcomers. However, through the returning gaze of most Ming officials, the newcomers were merely hairy goblins and cannibals. To the Chinese, they provoked a feeling of repulsion. In an attempt to deny the Portuguese full humanity, the Chinese construed their 'white brothers' as unsavoury non-humans and erring barbarians. Given their unruly and predatory behaviour, the Portuguese eventually fell into the category of bad people w h o were children-eaters, kidnappers, slave-traders, smugglers and marauders Fok, They were the threatening Other imbued with a terrorizing force to plague the integrity and stability of the country.

The trope of 'disease in the body' indicated something the Chinese wanted to cure and eliminate, but because of their formidable weaponry and their persistent desire to trade and to Christianize the heathens, the Chinese became vulnerable to this uncontrollable foreign 'disease'. The year is generally accepted as the date of the Portuguese permanent settlement in Macau, but its sovereignty has long been a matter of doubt.

This island is now a significant place for pilgrims because of its connection with one of the great men of the age, St Francis Xavier, who died there on 3 December In , Shangchuan was abandoned and the Portuguese were allowed by the Guangdong officials to use Langbaiao? As Langbaiao was soon not suitable for trade due to silted waters, the Portuguese preferred to settle in Macau — an ideal place for convenient anchorage and for trade activities.

In , perhaps by bribing local officials and under the pretext that their ships had been wrecked, the Portuguese sought permission to go ashore in Macau to dry their water-soaked goods. Coupled with personal gain from bribery and sympathy, the Chinese officials allowed them to settle there.

Meanwhile, the Ming government built the Barrier Gate in in order to isolate Macau from the Chinese territories, and in established a civil magistracy to rule the Chinese in Macau. The Ming authorities were tolerant of their presence due to two main factors: a pragmatic pro- trade attitude towards deriving incomes from customs dues and taxes, and the practical considerations of coastal defence against pirates and local rebels Fok, However, it was believed that they were sometimes involved in a combination of commerce and piracy.

As Fok Kai Cheong points out, the Ming policy towards the Portuguese operation in Macau well deserved its title of the 'Macau Formula', but this formula was never clearly stated as a formula in any official text. Moreover, this very policy marked a deviation from any Ming-dynasty pattern of trade and relations with other states in the Sinocentric world order, and did not gain direct imperial endorsement through the Ming Court Fok, It is therefore obviously incorrect for the Portuguese to declare that the Emperor of China gave Macau to them.

Perhaps the Portuguese had stayed there long enough and made legalism retroactive.


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They could not prove the acquisition of the right of sovereignty over M a c a u t h r o u g h official endorsement, although they had settled there for some four hundred years. With regard to the problematic issue on sovereignty, W. From the purely historical point of view, however, it must be concluded that the Portuguese were squatters who maintained their position through a combination of weakness, corruption, and hesitant policy on the part of the Chinese. Usellis, It was because the Portuguese were only allowed to settle there by the Chinese local government Lam, Unlike the Portuguese acquisition of other colonies through aggression and violence, Macau was occupied and colonized in an anomalous way vis-a-vis the usual pattern of colonization.

The sovereignty of Macau has long been a debatable issue. It was the first written history of Macau in English. Ljungstedt pointed out the arrogance and the pretensions of the Portuguese, in particular the absurdity of their claim to be sovereign masters of Macau when they still conformed to the Chinese demand for an annual ground rent of taels of silver for the right to use Macau.

He asserted that Macau was Chinese territory and wrote:. As no covenant or treaty of peace ever appeared in public, it remains an absolute impossibility to determinate the ultimate limits of the conquest the Portuguese pretend to have made on that Island [Macau]. A town, called Cidade do nome Deos de Macao, rose by degrees on the peninsula not by the grace and concession of any of the emperors of China, for such is denied, but by the success of the chivalrous arms of Portugal. After the publication, he was violently attacked by Portuguese historians who regarded his assertion as fallacious.

However, in the Foreword of the edition of the book, Father Manuel Teixeira , a renowned Jesuit historian, refuted the claim and praised Ljungstedt's work as serious and disinterested. He maintained that Ljungstedt's assertion of the sovereignty of Macau was based on research of historical documents and manuscripts, and his knowledge of Portuguese was a tremendous asset in gaining access to Portuguese documents.

After a lapse of years, his writing is looked upon as an invaluable source in studying the history of Macau. He is now a traitor-turned-hero and his reputation rehabilitated. Portuguese critics were prejudiced against Ljungstedt chiefly because his historia upset the Portuguese claim of legitimate sovereignty over Macau.

In a different vein, Carlos Augusto Montalto de Jesus, a polyglot born in Hong Kong wrote another historical account on Macau in English, which was first published in 1 9 0 2 , i. Montalto's first edition of Historic Macao was greeted with acclaim and the Senate of Macau even suggested that the author be given a royal honour for his great work.

Contrary to Ljungstedt's claim that the Portuguese had no rights whatsoever in Macau, Montalto gave the version 'that the Portuguese had been invited by the Chinese to settle in Macao, and that in the early days there was no ground rent' Montalto, vii. H e reiterated that the Portuguese obtained imperial sanction to establish themselves in Macau, and that they acquired the possession through legal documents Montalto, He immediately became a hero in the Portuguese community because his version was Macau government's favourable historia, and above all, he openly vindicated Ljungstedt's claim that the Portuguese were in Macau on sufferance.

His writing thus honoured him to be a good subject in Portuguese colonial ideology. After some time, Montalto was tremendously disillusioned. He began the second edition of Historic Macao to which he added several new chapters.

Macau: A Cultural Janus

It was precisely those last chapters that instantly turned him from a national hero to a sleazy traitor. The second edition appeared in in which his tone sounded piercing to the Portuguese: The history of colonization can hardly show another such case of cruel expiation, of ill-requited loyalty. Civilization may well stagger at such an irony of fate, so patiently endured for centuries of martyrdom.

But it obviously needs some catastrophic shock to wake up the dozing nation [Portugal] to its sense of duty in face of the stern logic of facts and the Nemesis of fate in full swing. R a p t in t o t a l disillusionment, M o n t a l t o relentlessly flogged the Portuguese for knowing and caring so little about Macau.

He also criticized them for being incompetent in meeting Macau's wants and suggested that it would be preferable to haul down the Portuguese flag, and let the territory be administered by the League of Nations. T h e G o v e r n m e n t of M a c a u immediately condemned the newest edition as a heresy and 'seized the entire edition, and burned it in public.

Anyone who had purchased a copy was ordered to surrender it for destruction' Montalto, ix. Despite the fact that he was once condemned as a hero-turned-traitor due to the furore provoked by the second edition, his work is indispensable for the study of Portuguese settlement from the very beginning of the sixteenth century to the early twentieth century.

Ljungstedt and Montalto appeared to be traitors of Portugal. It was obvious that the English versions were meant for a wider circulation, apart from the Portuguese readers. As Walter Benjamin aptly observes, " history is 'a tool of the ruling classes' Benjamin, N o t only.

Seen in this light, it is not the least surprising that Ljungstedt and Montalto were condemned. It is because the history they had written did not celebrate the Portuguese achievements but revealed the unbearable 'truth'. In another literary genre, a Protestant missionary also hit a raw nerve in the issue of the ambiguous sovereignty of Macau in In a journal concerning the introduction of Christianity to China, the Reverend Walter Henry Medhurst 2 3 recorded the ambivalent authority in Macau:.

It is difficult to determine to whom the settlement [Macau] really belongs. While the Portuguese have a governor appointed by the queen of Portugal, and a senate chosen from amongst the inhabitants of Macao, the Chinese have had a magistrate placed over them, who holds his court in the native part of the settlement; and a Chinese custom-house is established on the beach. Macau is indeed a peculiar place in the history of China and in the project of Portuguese colonization. It straddles two masters and becomes the see-saw in power struggles. Moreover, it is torn between two systems and falls into a Janus complex of having two controlling forces.

The Assertion of 'Perpetual Occupation' It seemed that the Portuguese never paid attention to the issue of sovereign rights over Macau until the British officially acquired these over Hong Kong in by the Treaty of Nanjing. It could not be denied that Ljungstedt's history of Macau had aroused the long ignored or perhaps forgotten issue. It was only then realized that while Hong Kong was held by right, Macau was held on sufferance. For the Portuguese, it was a prime concern to clarify this matter, especially when a number of other nations proceeded to sign treaties with China America and France in 1 8 4 4 , Belgium in 1 8 4 5 , and Sweden in Britain's successful acquisition of H o n g Kong in the wake of the infamous Opium War ultimately gave the Portuguese unprecedented courage.

They introduced high-handed policies towards Macau and the faltering Qing government of China. He was a captain in the Portuguese navy in South America where he had lost his right arm in service. After taking office, he implemented a series of reforms aimed at lessening Chinese influence and interference in Macau. But worst of all, he made a disastrous move that infuriated the Chinese to an unbearable extent. For purposes of expanding the urban area, he ordered the removal of Chinese graves near the Barrier Gate.

The Chinese regarded the place as good feng shui JiUR ,24 or favourable geomancy, for burial. Some tombs were removed by force and some inevitably destroyed. The Chinese popular system of feng shui is primarily concerned with siting graves and houses. Graves stand at the centre of geomantic attention; they are the abodes of the ancestors. As such, geomancy and ancestor worship interlock and feng shui is an intrinsic part of the cult of the ancestors Freedman, It is believed that the prosperity, honours and riches of individuals and families largely depend on good feng shui of ancestors' graves.

Hence, the graves are the locus guarding the good fortune of the living. They are therefore protected by the living against any possible encroachment by others. Unfortunately, either ignoring or perhaps without understanding the Chinese cultural matrices, Amaral followed the same path of the Franciscans and Dominicans will be discussed in Chapter 3 in obliterating the Chinese deep-rooted practice of ancestor worship and detrimentally dug up the graves — the very direct sites for worshipping ancestors — for urbanization.

Amaral's strong policies in Macau soon turned out to be the core of conflict and the Chinese retaliated by posting notices in the streets of Guangzhou, which openly offered rewards for Amaral's head. A juggernaut force created by him not only rolled over the Chinese but also drove himself into a cul-de-sac. Amaral's head and only arm were hacked off and carried away for reward. After some negotiations and foreign succour, Amaral's head and hand were finally returned to Macau in a pig basket — a gesture of utter contempt to the Portuguese tragic hero.

The Portuguese continued to spare no effort in strengthening the position of Macau and in putting an end to Chinese dominance. However, the British only agreed to cooperate provided that Macau also did the same. It was precisely because the ban on opium in Hong Kong would immediately throw the whole lucrative business into the hand of the Portuguese.

If the weakening Qing government had not needed the Portuguese cooperation in levying opium tax and in taking steps to control the opium trade on lines similar to those being taken in Hong Kong, the Portuguese could not have achieved the rights it so desperately demanded. On 1 December , the Treaty of Beijing was initialled in Tianjin, and ratified in confirming 'the perpetual occupation and government of Macau and its dependencies by Portugal, as any other Portuguese possession'. Two decisive events in — the assassination of Amaral and the subsequent storming of Baishaling by Mesquita — consolidated the Portuguese ambition to exercise sovereignty over Macau de facto although it did not assert de jure 'the perpetual occupation' until China is to resume the exercise of sovereignty over Macau on 20 December , i.

Amaral and Mesquita are significant personages in the Portuguese colonial enterprise and have been extolled by the Portuguese as outstanding governors. The statues commemorating these t w o colonialists were belatedly sculpted by Maximiliano Alves in Lisbon. They were inaugurated in Macau in as tangible expressions of Portugal's pride and as chronicles of historic events. For the 'martyred' Amaral, an equestrian bronze monument was erected at a prominent spot between the entrance of the Lisbon Hotel and the Macau-Taipa Bridge; a bronze statue of Mesquita was also erected in the central town square, Largo do Senado, facing the Leal Senado.

One may wonder why these two statues were put up nearly a hundred years after their 'patriotic' contribution. The inauguration of these statues had a direct reflection on Portugal's historic moment. In , Portugal celebrated its eighth centenary as an independent nation on the Iberian Peninsula since Moreover, in Portugal enjoyed, for the first time since the late eighteenth century, a credit balance in trade, owing to the fact that Portugal was neutral in World War II. The Portuguese profited by selling raw materials, in particular tungsten, to the warring states Saraiva, The whole nation seemed to revive from the prolonged economic setback and was immersed in an elevated mood of n a t i o n h o o d in celebrating the eighth centennial anniversary of independence.

Their national revelry also extended to Macau — the erection of these two statues was a celebration for the expulsion of the Chinese dominance and for the Portuguese colonial conquest of Macau. The two statues readily have some overtones: firstly, they represent the Portuguese nostalgia for the past glories in Macau.

They are signifiers of the Portuguese strong political foothold on Chinese soil. Secondly, on a larger scale, they reignite the Portuguese bygone greatness being the super power at sea. Thirdly, they help rekindle national spirit in the wake of political insurgence Portugal overthrew its monarchy in in a revolution which led to a republic in this faraway 'province'. The two statues are an allegory of spiritual revival and serve to erase some disjunction felt by the Portuguese.

Through the establishment of these monuments we can also trace the complexity in colonial relationship. Portugal is deeply tied up with Macau which subsequently becomes an arena in staging Portuguese colonial power, and gives meaning to Portugal.

How did MACAU surpass VEGAS? - VisualPolitik EN

In other words, the 'imperial centre' depends on the 'provincial margin' for a kind of nostalgic reflection of its greatness in the past. The margin, therefore, comes to valorize the centre. Though the statues were inaugurated as signs of Portuguese national glory, they reminded the Chinese of national disgrace. Specifically, the invader of Baishaling was well remembered as an insult and his statue was the target of venting revenge.

The bronze monument of Mesquita, once stood in the act of drawing his sword to lead the invasion against the Chinese, was destroyed during the anti-Portuguese outcry on 3 December It was known as the ' Incident' in Macau, 25 a historic moment coincided with the fanatic climax of the Proletarian Cultural Revolution in China. The monument of Amaral has the same fate. It was removed from the rotunda facing the new headquarters of the Bank of China Building on 28 October The final fate of the five-ton statue was shipped back to Portugal from where it had come.

Once being placed on a high pedestal so that it could be seen silhouetted against the sky, the Amaral statue Plate 9 represents a fierce authority immersed with brute strength and overwhelming rage. It is an image of irresistible force and unlimited power.

A Chinese Couplet in the Tian Hou Temple of Macau - Chinese Couplets

Somewhat like a warrior saint,. Amaral is portrayed gallantly riding on horseback with a whip in his only left hand and engaging in the climax of the battle to combat the Chinese attackers. The horse rears up on the verge of jumping out of the pedestal due to the commander's relentless whipping. For the Chinese, it is a sheer representation of the very oppressor, massive and aggressive.

The Amaral statue is a masterpiece of Portuguese artwork. It breaks the solidity of forms and is charged with an exaggerated tautness and some sort of Baroque theatricality of dramatic, vigorous movement. The human psyche of Amaral's infuriated agony and dauntless resolution to trample down the Chinese, the prancing stride and the bulging muscles of the horse are portrayed in a frozen action — a moment being arrested in a snapshot effect.

Macau: A Cultural Janus

If the Amaral statue had been retained, it would have served as a lesson for future generations to learn from a tangible colonial iconography. It would have been the locus proper for school children to gather around for an outdoor lesson on imperialism, colonialism and hegemony. It would prove more interesting than the dry textbooks in classrooms. Moreover, it would have become a historic witness to the irretrievable past when the Portuguese overtly engaged in the project of colonial subjugation in the era of high imperialism.

Although Amaral and Mesquita are condemned by the Chinese as the emblem of Portuguese imperialism and suppression, they are looked upon as icons of national greatness in Portuguese colonial history because they helped assert the 'perpetual occupation' of Macau through high-handed policies. The two statues are thus caught up in a Janus scenario having contrasting meanings in the transition of a political power from the Portuguese to the Chinese. Opium-Trafficking and Slave Trade The Portuguese 'perpetual occupation' of Macau was largely due to Amaral's and Mesquita's patriotic contribution, and also consolidated by the Chinese concession for their cooperation in curbing opium-trading.

The whole enterprise of opium trade was one of the most unsavoury undertakings in colonial subjugation; perhaps it could only be surpassed by the horrors of the slave trade. In the eighteenth century, opium-smoking, like snuff-taking, was comparatively insignificant in China. According to statistics, at the time of the first Chinese prohibition edict issued in , there were only about chests of opium being exported to China in a year Cameron, Opium thus turned out to be the most valuable commercial crop in the world and the basis of almost all commerce with China.

By the end of the nineteenth century, one out of every ten Chinese was thought to have become an addict Wolf, Not only did opium undermine the health of Chinese addicts, it also drastically subverted the social order and created economic havoc through the relentless outflow of Chinese silver into Western pockets. Although the opium trade was covert and illegal, it was enormously profitable. European powers as well as corrupted Chinese officials, therefore, continued to reap enviable profits from trafficking opium, whether through trade or bribery.

The unbelievably spiralling consumption of opium and the Qing government's anti-opium' drive finally led to two opium wars. The first Opium War enabled the British to seize Hong Kong island 27 and the second to possess the Kowloon peninsula. The British then acquired a year lease on the New Territories in The history of addiction t h u s goes h a n d in hand with exploitative capitalism under the pretext of mercantilism.

The role of capitalism can be taken as the determining motor of colonialism. While the history of H o n g Kong is tainted with much political expedience and even infamy in relation to opium-trading, the history of Macau perhaps surpasses the pernicious import of opium by engaging in. Since the fifteenth' century, the Portuguese were the major purveyors of the slave trade in Africa28 for the expansion of sugar cultivation in Brazil colonized by the Portuguese in O n the other side of the world, fifteenth-century China obstructed foreign commerce and prevented emigration in its 'closed- door' policy.

However, the conclusion of treaties after the first Opium War removed these barriers. Political disorders and economic crises during the late Qing d y n a s t y d r o v e m a n y wretched Chinese to seek job opportunities and China proved to be a good source of labour for the outside world. Under these circumstances, foreign entrepreneurs began to recruit the Chinese labourers through the establishment of the 'coolie- slave' trade.

The Indian word 'coolie' denoting a degenerate race means day labourer. The coolie-slave trade, also known as the 'pig trade' it is because like pigs, human beings were stamped with a mark for identification , was the most tragic experience of nineteenth-century Chinese. In , there were only five coolie barracoons, or coolie-slave recruiting offices, which were called HfFft by the Chinese, but in there were three hundred such barracoons operating in the tiny enclave.

Apart from the Portuguese who played an active role in the slave trade, unscrupulous Chinese agents were also involved in recruiting. There were as many as eight hundred broker-procurers engaging in this profitable trade. Between and some 1 2 8 0 'contracted workers' were recruited and shipped overseas Yee, The two major destinations were Havana and Peru. In the middle of the nineteenth century, Macau thus enjoyed a resurgence of prosperity after the setback in economy in the eighteenth century.

We may recall that in the earlier encounter the Chinese considered the Portuguese cannibalistic. This premonitory cultural recognition was cruelly realized in a displaced fashion in the nineteenth century when the Portuguese were in the process of 'devouring' the Chinese and made them 'disappear' through the coolie-slave trade. The nightmarish anxiety of being 'eaten' by the barbarian Other was a matter of reality and the Portuguese utterly revealed the symptom of 'anthropophagic devouring' by shipping the Chinese away. T h e abhorrent problem was at long last met with some humane concerns from British and American statesmen, not to mention the Qing government's lobbying to curb the trade.

Having been aware of the inhumanity involved in the dreadful trade, the British Cabinet addressed some remonstrance to press the Lisbon Government to stop the undeniable horrors of the slave trade in Macau. However, the Portuguese replied 'that the coolie emigration referred to, whether slave trade or not, flourished as much in Hong Kong as in Macao' Eitel, It was alleged that some 'reputable' London commercial firms and banks were involved in the Macau dirty trade and had profited greatly. The British then took serious measures and forced the Portuguese to cease the trade.

Hong Kong followed suit and played a positive role in suppressing slavery. The Americans, in this instance, helped turn a bright chapter in the infamous history of Macau by raising world denunciation against this despicable trade. Above all, Joao de Andrade Corvo, Minister in charge of the navy and foreign possessions in Lisbon, engaged himself energetically against the trdfico de Culis, as it was called in Portuguese.

As a result, an Ordinance was passed in M a c a u on 29 December and came into force on 2 7 M a r c h to prohibit the trade 'for the sake of the [Portuguese] nation's honour' Borges da Siva and Radasewsky, Since its rise in , the slave trade was 'the only real business' in M a c a u for twenty-five years William, and contributed an enormous profit to the Portuguese. The grandiloquent slogan of 'seeking Christians and spices' in their eastward sail project emerges no more than a cynical slogan under which is the objective of accumulating capital in the most unchristian ways.

The third quarter of the nineteenth century was perhaps the darkest age of Macau under Portuguese administration. Through belatedly benevolent interventions, the dehumanizing yet lucrative trafficking of human cargo was finally outlawed, but the opium trade stopped much later. The British export of opium into China only ceased in and opium-smoking was outlawed in Hong Kong only in Both the Portuguese and the British benefited from these nefarious traffickings in the name of 'mercantilism'.

Macau and Hong Kong were imprinted with pernicious histories of pillage during European global imperialism and colonialism. A Poetic Desire for Decolonization As the twentieth century progressed, the desire to recuperate Macau increased. After the establishment of the Republic of China in , there emerged a modern product of nationalism 29 whose defining moment may be fixed on 4 May On this day, a new movement, known as the May Fourth Movement arose.

Wem- was one of China's leading poets in the May Fourth period from to around and an extremely outspoken patriot. He was assassinated in while expressing his views as leader of China's liberal party. Wen's ' O u M u n ' or 'Aomen' in Putonghua, 'Macau' in Portuguese blends nationalist sentiments with a poetic desire for decolonization:. Beginning with the post independence of other Portuguese colonies and hastened by Macau's return to China, the Macanese community began to lose its Portuguese heritage.

Many Portuguese, Eurasians and Chinese who were loyal to the Portuguese left after its return to China. Of those that remained, many children - including those of pure Chinese descent - switched from Portuguese- to English-medium high school education, particularly as many of parents recognised the diminishing value of Portuguese schooling. At the same time, Macanese of pure Portuguese descent are also learning Cantonese and Mandarin to be able to communicate to non-Portuguese speaking Chinese. Today, most Macanese - if they are still young enough - would go back to study to read and write Chinese.

Many see a niche role for fluent speakers of Portuguese , Cantonese and Mandarin. In the s Macanese or Portuguese women began to marry men who identified themselves as Chinese. There is some dispute around the exact meaning of "Macanese". An essay by Marreiros offers a broad spectrum of "Macanese types", ranging from Chinese Christian converts who live among the Portuguese to the descendants of old-established families of Portuguese lineage; all groups are integrated into this historically legitimated group.

Traditionally, the basis for Macanese ethnic affiliation has been the use of the Portuguese language at home or some alliances with Portuguese cultural patterns and not solely determined along hereditary lines. In practice, however, being Macanese is left up to how individuals categorize themselves. Since the re-integration of Macau with the People's Republic of China in late , the traditional definitions are in a state of re-formulation.

Also particularly helpful is Review of Culture No. Hong Kong University Press. Retrieved Between China and Europe: person, culture and emotion in Macao. Volume 74 of London School of Economics monographs on social anthropology illustrated ed. To be a Macanese is fundamentally to be from Macao with Portuguese ancestors, but not necessarily to be of Sino-Portuguese descent. The local community was born from Portuguese men. Sporadically it was a Chinese woman. Montalto de Jesus Historic Macao 2 ed.

A Macao Narrative. Tryon, eds. Vol II: Texts. Walter de Gruyter. Research Institute on International Change The Center. The Discourse of Race in Modern China. Oxford University Press. Racisms: From the Crusades to the Twentieth Century. Princeton University Press.